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Speaking notes:  Congressional Hearing (part 1)

I am pleased for the opportunity to appear before you today. As a former Canadian diplomat it is a special privilege to have been invited by congressman Kucinich to speak to you about Kosovo.

I believe that NATO’s military intervention in Yugoslavia last year was a dreadful mistake. Indeed I would characterize it as a historical miscalculation. A miscalculation that will have serious long-range implications for the framework of international peace and security.

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Kosovo marks a turning point for the NATO countries. They chose to abandon the fundamental principles upon which the alliance was founded. The implications of this for all of us are serious and foreboding. When principles are abandoned what remains is expediencyand opportunism. These are not suitable pillars upon which a viable alliance can be sustained.
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As a practicing diplomat who served his country for 37 years I do not consider myself a wide-eyed idealist. Nevertheless, I am a strong believer in democracy. I do respect the rule of law, I believe in human rights and have strongly defended all of the basic principles that my country and yours have stood for and fought for through so many years.
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NATO’s bombing of Yugoslavia shattered those basic principles. Not only was the bombing illegal and contrary to every precept of international law but it was a direct contradiction of article one of NATO’s own treaty, which states uniquivically that NATO will never use force or indeed even threaten to use force to resolve international disputes. Article one of the treaty also emphasizes NATO’s commitment to international peace, security and justice and its adherence to the principles of the UN Charter. All of this was cynically cast aside by the NATO military strike against Yugoslavia.
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NATO broke all the ground rules in Kosovo. Its aggressive military intervention into the affairs of a sovereign state without Security Council or at least UN general assembly authority marked an ominous turning point in the conduct of international relations.
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To many people in the free world (and I include myself among these) NATO was more than just a strong military power acting as the first line of defence against communist tyranny. It was an organization that stood for the rule of law, for democratic institutions… for all of those things that distinguished the western democracies from the communist and nazi dictatorships. 
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NATO was a powerful moral force. It acted as a symbol of hope for the civilized world. A symbol of hope not only for those of us in the west but also for the millions caught behind the iron curtain and for many others around the globe.
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The bombing of Yugoslavia destroyed that symbol. Now we have lost the moral high ground. Our new set of political leaders, the Clintons, the Blairs, the Schroeders, the Chretiens, have proven themselves to have about as much respect for the rule of law and the truth as the former communist party bosses of the old soviet empire. This is the real tragedy of Kosovo.
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Our political leaders lied to us about Kosovo. We were told that mass murders were taking place there. Your Secretary of Defence, Mr. Cohen told us that 100,000 Albanian Kosovars had perished. Tony Blair, the British Prime Minister, spoke of genocide. We were led to believe that Milosevic was planning to ethnically cleanse all of the Albanians from Kosovo through a devilish plan code-named “Operation Horseshoe.”
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We were told that a massacre of 45 Albanian civilians had occurred in the village of Racak. Indeed it was this incident that sparked the subsequent bombing campaign. We were also told that the bombing campaign had inflicted a crippling defeat on the Serb war machine. NATO spokes people and much of the media continue to hail the bombing of Yugoslavia as a triumphant victory.
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These are lies. We now know that the total casualties in Kosovo before the bombing (both Albanian and Serb) amounted to approximately 2000. This is hardly mass murder or genocide and not a surprising figure given that an armed rebellion had been taking place in Kosovo for several years.
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The so-called, “Operation Horseshoe,” has been revealed as a complete falsehood fabricated by the German defence minister Rudolph Scharping to swing faltering German public opinion behind the bombing campaign. There is not a shred of evidence to suggest that Milosevic planned before the bombing to cleanse Kosovo of its Albanian population.

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Furthermore, it now seems that the Racak massacre may never have happened. From the outset there has been strong suspicion that this incident had been engineered by the KLA to appear as an execution of innocent civilians. French journalists on the ground challenged general Walkers declaration that a massacre had taken place.
More recently on March 24 of this year, German investigative reporters from the Berlin Zeitung have written that autopsy reports to which they have gained access reveal no evidence of the victims having been executed at close range.
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As for NATO’s air war victory over the Serb army we know from a suppressed US Airforce report publicized in the May 15 issue of Newsweek magazine that the number of military targets destroyed by NATO air strikes, “was a tiny fraction of those claimed.” The report declared there were only 58 confirmed strikes by NATO pilots not the previously 744 as claimed by NATO.

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I am sorry to say I fully expect we will find as time goes by that more lies and falsehoods will be revealed about the Kosovo war. 

The realization that our political leaders cannot be trusted to tell the truth may not come as a complete surprise to those of you familiar with the political process. Nevertheless it is not a comforting thought.

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It is especially distressing when the lies involve foreign policy issues. These are issues frequently dealing with matters of life and death, of war and peace, of the destruction of cities and the displacement of people and of the wellbeing of our own sons and daughters who serve in the military forces.

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As the Canadian ambassador to Yugoslavia from 1990 to1992 I witnessed at first hand how western diplomatic ineptitude and clumsiness hastened the breakup of Yugoslavia and contributed to the dreadful violence and bloodshed that followed the disintegration of the country.
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Here are a few examples:

The financial and military support given to the separatist republics by some western governments which encouraged them to break away by forceful means without any serious attempt at negotiating the terms of secession in a non-violent manner.

The premature recognition of Slovenia and Croatia before any guarantees of civil and human rights were given to the Serbian population of Croatia, which, because of the horrendous events that occurred there during the Second World War, made civil war inevitable.

The encouragement of Alija Izetbegovic to withdraw his signature from the so-called Lisbon agreement and to proceed with a referendum on independence in Bosnia which everyone knew would lead to the death and displacement of thousands.

The early identification of the Serbs as the only bad guys in the Balkans and the portrayal of them by the western media as barbaric savages compromised attempts by the western powers to deal with these issues objectively.

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These examples demonstrate how western diplomatic ineptitude ensured that the breakup of Yugoslavia would be accompanied by large scale killing and the displacement of ethnic populations. Yugoslavia was an avoidable war. It was made unavoidable by the cynical nature of western diplomatic intervention.
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Kosovo, however, presents an entirely different scenario. Kosovo was not the result of diplomatic failure. Serious diplomatic efforts were not tried. NATO under the leadership of the United States chose to discard any serious attempt at finding a diplomatic solution in favor of using force and violence. Bombing was the instrument of choice.
 
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